The Eminent Persons Group (EPG) is not the body or format to arbitrate on strategic issues like the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship. Even that is diminishing due to spectacular welfare benefits and hike in pensions. There is no divided loyalty in their case, as might be in the case of ex-servicemen, as Rae fears. No one should doubt the loyalty of Nepali Gorkhas. While our diplomats acknowledge its importance, they have not attempted any value add-ons.

The serving Gorkhas in the Indian Army and ex-servicemen connect is the most enduring Indian asset in Nepal. Comparing NepalвЂ™s water assets with those of Bhutan, a former Bhutanese natural resources minister told his Nepali counterpart: вЂњMixing politics with water doesnвЂ™t work.вЂќ Rae has included everything big and small concerning NepalвЂ™s development in both public and private sectors. The Mahakali treaty was signed when CPN (UML) was in power with two-thirds majority. Historically, India has faced difficulties whenever Left governments were in power - starting from 1996, especially on hydropower projects, recruitment of Gorkhas and signing of treaties on national assets.

Rae elucidates how hydropower and other contracts are awarded to India and China depending on the government in power. It contains facts that explain why Nepal has not capitalised on its liquid oil, which others have called liquid gold: hydropower. The most enlightening chapter is on economic partnership. Ironically, India never took up the Madhesi political demands till 2007, states Rae, and then dumped them after having backed their crusade for equality. Rae says the constitutional amendment (January 2016) did partially address Madhesi grievances on inclusive social justice and the new process of delimitation, which are yet to be fully implemented. Rae writes that вЂњIndia rejected the offer of talksвЂќ, but it was too late in any case, precisely like the intervention on the Constitution hours before its adoption. His depiction of the boundary issue - the Kalapani dispute - presents the Indian perspective brilliantly, but New DelhiвЂ™s prevarication on talks gave Kathmandu and Oli the opportunity for cartographic aggression. Rae has been forthright on some of these issues. But IndiaвЂ™s Big Brother profile and taking Nepal for granted did not go away.

A new Nepal had been born - federal, secular, inclusive, democratic and republican - crowning historically the major political transformations in the country, nudged by India. Further, India failed to notice the change in Nepal brought about through the peace process it led, and IndiaвЂ™s revised policy of democratisation of Nepal and mainstreaming the Maoists, replacing the twin pillar concept of constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy. The sterling work done by IndiaвЂ™s military during the earthquake and all the monumental development assistance provided over the years were forgotten. The consequences were wholesomely negative for India, though Nepal bore the severe hardship of the blockade. According to papers released last month by former Prime Minister KP Oli, вЂњIndia threatened leaders of political parties not to promulgate the ConstitutionвЂ¦ as consequences would be negative.вЂќ This note was apparently handed over by the then Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar, who was made the fall guy. It was under RaeвЂ™s watch that the decline of IndiaвЂ™s primacy in Nepal started: a clumsy attempt to stop the promulgation of the new Constitution, its fallout (the economic blockade), rise of nationalism, unison of Left parties (IndiaвЂ™s AchillesвЂ™ heel), and advantage China. Rae has penned his experiences in an eminently readable style. Most valuable are recommendations throughout the book, which suggest a reset in relations, adopting the Bhutan model of treaty realignment. The contents of the two treaties - Peace and Friendship, 1950, and Tripartite Recruitment - are somewhat skimpy. Even so, Rae covers contentious matters like Nepalese nationalism and anti-Indianism, the new Constitution and its fallout, boundary dispute, civilisational connect and вЂroti-beti rishtaвЂ™, economic partnership, IndiaвЂ™s stellar assistance during the 2015 earthquake and ChinaвЂ™s all-pervasive presence and influence. It skips the Constituent Assembly I and skirts the pre-palace massacre periods. RANJIT RAEвЂ™S book is the outcome of an extended association with Nepal, first as Joint Secretary (North) from 2002-06 during the Maoist insurgency and peace process, and later as Ambassador (2013-16), when the Constitution was drafted and promulgated.

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